"Here is Wisdom..."[Revelations 13:18]

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  • In "IQ and the Wealth of Nations" Prof Richard Lynn estimated the average IQ of Black Africans to be between 66 and 67, perhaps it is 66.6..? Co-incidence?
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  • Mandela's prisoner number was 46664 - the "Number of the Beast" flanked by two 4's (the death number in Chinese lore) - another co-incidence?
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  • I TELL THE TRUTH NOT TO CONVINCE THOSE WHO DO NOT KNOW IT, BUT TO DEFEND THOSE THAT DO
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  • "Let him that hath understanding count the number of the beast: for it is the number of a man; and his number is Six hundred threescore and six (666)"
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  • "THE FURTHER A SOCIETY DRIFTS FROM THE TRUTH, THE MORE IT WILL HATE THOSE WHO SPEAK THE TRUTH George Orwell
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  • "The destruction of white civilisation is the inmost desire of that league of designated victims known as 'minorities'". Joseph Sobran (1946-2010)
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  • The Left loves diversity but hates diversity of thought.
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  • "I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about the social and political equality of the white and black races...I am not nor ever have been in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people ... I as much as any other man am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white race" Abraham Lincoln 1858
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  • “It is nowadays considered a display of one´s sophistication for whites to fawn over and patronize mediocre non-white cultures and exaggerate their trivial achievements. The truth is that whites are embarrassed by the extent of their accomplishments so they are taught to be modest about their own race whilst elevating the “achievements” of non-whites and pretending that their cultures are not only the equal of ours but somehow more righteous”
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  • "It is difficult to get a man to understand something when his career and his salary depends upon his not wanting to understanding it."
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  • Blacks want to be perpetual victims of "White racism", as all their political power has come from being a “victim.”
  • “There are three classes of people: Those who see. Those who see when they are shown. Those who do not want to see.” - Leonardo Da Vinci
  • “The negroes......have received from Nature no intelligence that rises above the foolish. The difference between the two races......appears to be just as great in respect of the faculties of the mind as in color.” – Immanuel Kant – 1764.
  • Truth is considered hate-speech by those who hate to speak the truth
  • Society is a racial construct. Racism is a social construct.
  • Some ideas are so incredibly daft that only highly intelligent people can delude themselves into believing them. (George Orwell). The idea that racial diversity is a strength for a nation is surely the definitive example of this bizarre intellectual pseudo philosophising.
  • When a liberals brain is dissected you will find nothing right in the left brain and nothing left in the right brain
  • Martin Luther King said whites should judge blacks BY THE CONTENT OF THEIR CHARACTER and not by the colour of their skins. And I entirely agree with him..!!!
  • The 100% restaurant discount and NO TIP is a speciality of the SBG (sophisticated black gentleman)
  • "Once blacks take power, they do not want to live with a minority whose success highlights their own failure." Jared Taylor (Amren)
  • A mixture of 10% shit and 90% ice-cream improves the flavour of shit whilst completely ruining the ice-cream, and making shit palatable is essentially what multi-culturalism is all about..!
  • "There is only one good, KNOWLEDGE; and one evil, IGNORANCE" - Socrates
  • The white race is smart enough to create the most just and prosperous societies the world has ever known, but stupid enough to think that other races can do the same.
  • "It’s incredible that any white sends aid to Africa when Africans are anti-white racists" Mfonobong Nsehe (Kenyan journalist)
  • "INTEGRITY is the first fundamental of prosperity" is a statement most people would agree with. But almost anyone who has worked with Africans for any length of time knows that integrity is virtually non-existent amongst them, and this is why the idea of a prosperous and civilised black society is impossible
  • “The most costly of all follies is to believe passionately in the obviously untrue” - HL Mencken
  • If you’re not a liberal at 20 you have NO HEART - if you’re still a liberal at 30 you have NO HEAD.!
  • "When I am the weaker, I ask you for my freedom, because compassion is the white man's principle. But when I am the stronger, I take away your freedom, because tyranny is the black mans principle"
  • the degree of sympathy whites feel for blacks is in inverse proportion to their experience with them.
  • “Idealism increases in direct proportion to ones distance from the problem” - John Galsworthy
  • “The worst form of INEQUALITY is to try to make unequal things equal” - Aristotle (384-322BC)
  • Educating low IQ people - especially negroes - is a shameful waste of resources. It doesn´t make them intelligent but simply enables them to be perceived to be intelligent. If or when such people gain power the first thing they do is to eliminate the genuinely intelligent, who they know are a threat to their unjustifiably elevated positions.
  • "South Africa is a not a nation of 80% blacks with 20% whites, but one of 20% whites with 80% blacks" - "Camp of the Saints" (1972) by Jean Raspail. SA now has less than 10% whites and 90% blacks, but this truth still applies.
  • "AFFIRMATIVE ACTION" in a NUTSHELL... A person with genuine qualifications doesn’t need AA....Therefore, those who demand AA are obviously NOT QUALIFIED..! To offer AA to a GENUINELY QUALIFIED applicant would be an insult to his ability and integrity. Acceptance of AA is therefore an admission of FAILURE and INFERIORITY..! AA is thus for LOSERS only..!”
  • "…the two races, equally free, cannot live in the same government. Nature, habit, opinion has drawn indelible lines of distinction between them". Thomas Jefferson: Autobiography.
  • "... the lofty idea of `the war on racism' has become a hideously false ideology, where "anti-racism" will be for the 21st century what communism was for the 20th...a source of violence." Alain Finkelkraut (French philosopher)
  • Blacks have long since learned how to manipulate the white man by exploiting his compassionate nature and his sense of fair play, whilst having absolutely no intention of practicing the same virtues in return.
  • “CIVILISATION" (from the Latin 'civis') pertains to people who create cities and are well-adjusted to city life. Besides being totally incapable of creating livable cities or behaving in a “civilized” fashion, whenever blacks occupy human-built cities they predictably destroy them with their malignant presence. They are therefore the antithesis of “civilized”.
  • “If your skin is black you can be forgiven for anything.” Ian Douglas Smith (PM of Rhodesia 1964-79) He said this after black Zambian "soldiers" had shot dead 3 white tourists at the Victoria Falls. A young girl hid behind a rock for 20 minutes, when she thought it was safe she came out and was shot dead. The "international community" made excuses for the blacks.
  • IVORY COAST - When once asked by a reporter "how many whites do you have?", Francophone black President Houphouet-Boigny proudly replied - "I have 40,000 now and I hope to have 80,000 in a few years time”. Under HP's enlightened rule, the economic success of Cote D'Ivoire was widely touted by naively optimistic Western liberals as "self-evident proof that Black-ruled countries could be successful". After HB's death in 1993 "his whites" saw the writing on the wall and began leaving in droves, whereupon Cote D'Ivoire soon disintegrated into chaos.
  • “Men and women are 99.99 percent identical genetically but no one suggests that men and women are identical”.
  • "The outcome of elections is not decided by the voters, but by those who count the votes" Josef Stalin
  • A government which robs Peter to pay Paul can always depend on the support of Paul (GB Shaw)
  • “Africans like to think that all white men carry a sack of money to distribute amongst them” - My Ghanaian friend, Lomo Togo (1991)
  • "You're not a racist like most whites" – Thomas, a black student I befriended - Malabo, Equatorial Guinea 1991. Needless to say, this was BEFORE I arrived in South Africa..!
  • "...sullen peoples - HALF DEVIL and HALF CHILD” Rudyard Kipling's highly observant remark perfectly explains why blacks commit such barabaric crimes and are so insanely destructive both to themselves and other races
  • "I have always observed that wherever you find the Negro, everything is going down around him, and wherever you find the white man, you see everything around him improving." —Robert E. Lee
  • “The Native mentality does not allow for a peaceful demonstration. For them to gather, means violence.” Lt. Colonel Pienaar at the commission of inquiry into the “Sharpeville Massacre”.
  • The further a society drifts from the truth the more it will hate those that speak it. George Orwell
  • “There is nothing more painful to me than to walk down the street and hear footsteps behind me... then turn around and see a white person and feel relieved.” Je$$e Jack$coon
  • "A racist incident is one that is perceived to be racist by the victim or any other person” Macpherson report
  • Most people are afraid to hold an unfashionable opinion. This is especially true of women, since they tend to socialise more.
  • "To assent to obvious lies is to co-operate with evil, and in some small way to become evil oneself." Theodore Dalrymple
  • “As I was checking him in, I thought to myself ‘If this guy doesn’t look like an Arab terrorist, then nobody does.’ Then I gave myself a mental slap because it’s not nice to think things like that." Michael Tuohey, US Airways ticket agent checking-in Muhammad Atta on 9/11
  • We are constantly surrendering to the most powerful word ever invented - "racism" - every time our invaders (and their facilitators amongst us) use it, instead of standing and fighting against this deliberately vague word - we run for cover and give up a bit more territory. Our reaction is like that of Dracula's to a crucifix..!
  • The notion of black rulers able to contain black pathologies is a tragic, mistaken belief that creates new innocent victims every day.
  • "If liberty means anything at all, it means the right to tell people what they do not want to hear". George Orwell
  • "In a time of universal deceit, telling the truth is a revolutionary act" G.Orwell
  • WHEN MYTHS AND POLITICALLY MANIPULATED DISTORTED FACTS GO UNCHALLENGED THEY SOON ECLIPSE THE TRUTH

Friday, 12 June 2009

Will Whites Never Learn?

ONLY ONE OF THESE AFRICAN LEADERS WAS NEITHER A LOOTER NOR A PSYCHOPATH - CAN YOU GUESS WHICH..?









It would be nice if the entirety of this book is as good as this review but I suspect many of the more forthright sentiments are not quite those expressed in the book, but rather those of Jared Taylor, because I doubt it could have been published otherwise.

One paragraph towards the end (that JT strangely doesn’t dispute) that SAS readers will rightly call “utter liberal rubbish” is where Mandela is dutifully praised as being “among the tiny number who have not enriched themselves”. I wish the author had told us who the others are.

Now let me think of other leaders of African countries who did NOT get filthy rich. By far and away the least corrupt was Ian Douglas Smith who, at one time, even rode a bicycle to office. (If he was such a racist bastard how come a black bus or truck driver didn’t run him over?) Later he drove himself in an old Peugeot 404 without any security whatsover..! But we must also not forget the unfairly slandered Hendrik Verwoerd. PW Botha retired to a house in Wilderness but that’s not exactly Constantia or Cannes is it? Who else? Ah, I’ve just been told that whites were racist rulers and not “African leaders”.

Sorry..! Then all I can say is that the "tiniest number" one can get is ZERO..!

Review by Jared Taylor, American Renaissance, February 2006
The Fate of Africa: From the Hopes of Freedom to the Heart of DespairBy Martin MeredithPublic Affairs Press, 2005752 pp., $35.00

At close to 800 pages, The Fate of Africa is a huge book about a huge subject: the history of Africa since independence. Martin Meredith, who worked for years as a journalist on the continent and who has written eight other books about Africa, carries off this nearly impossible task with just the right combination of style and scholarship. At the same time, he sugarcoats nothing and spares no one. As any honest contemporary history of the continent must be, this is largely a story of greed, corruption, oppression and massacre. There may be no better and more up-to-date single-volume account.

The Fate of Africa covers North Africa as well, but this review will concentrate on the continent south of the Sahara. Although Mr. Meredith draws few broad conclusions, he offers a wealth of evidence for anyone who wishes to.

Untouched by Europe
As Mr. Meredith explains, even though in some cases colonization had lasted 200 years, most blacks were essentially untouched by Europe. The French ran their West African empire with only 385 white administrators, and the British were famous for equally thin-stretched, indirect rule. At the end of the Second World War, only the British even thought in terms of eventual independence for these untutored lands, and did not foresee it until the end of the 20th century. It was pressure from the United States, post-war exhaustion, and militant independence movements that forced a pace no one anticipated in 1945.

Whatever the timetable, because it was West Africa that had been in closest contact with Europe, it was thought best prepared for self-government. By 1920, for example, the Gold Coast (future Ghana) had 60 practicing black lawyers, whereas Kenya did not get its first lawyer until 1956. The first black deputy to the French National Assembly came from Senegal in West Africa in 1914. Leopold Senghor, another deputy from Senegal, helped draft France’s Fourth Republic constitution in 1945. His French was so good he was in charge of policing the constitution’s grammar.

Independence consequently did come first in West Africa, with Kwame Nkrumah as leader of Ghana. Nkrumah’s career set so many patterns for the new Africa that it is worth following in some detail. What began with great promise ended in tears, in a cycle so often repeated that Mr. Meredith has adopted it as the subtitle of his book.

Nkrumah had one of the most sudden rises to power of any politician in history—from prisoner to prime minister in a single day. Held in a Gold Coast prison for stirring up anti-British riots, his party managed to win 34 of 38 contested seats in a 1951 election. The British governor, Charles Arden-Clark, stiffened his upper lip, summoned his prisoner, and asked him to form a government.

Ghana went on to six years of democratic self-government under the close supervision of Arden-Clark. It seemed to be perfect training for sovereignty for the perfect candidate for independence. Ghana had a sound educational and economic infrastructure built by the British, excellent natural resources, and healthy foreign currency reserves due to cocoa exports.
(I recall they had 200 million sterling in reserves, more than Britain at the time)

The Cold War was raging, and both the United States and the Soviet Union were eager for new clients. Mr. Meredith writes that when independence came in 1957, there was world-wide hope and optimism on a scale now difficult to imagine. The six-day gala was a love-feast of goodwill and high expectations.

Once the British were gone, Nkrumah stamped out the opposition, built up a personality cult, squandered money on gold-plated projects, and ran the economy into the ground. He built the largest dry dock in Africa, which was almost never used. He set up a national airline and insisted it fly to politically fashionable places like Cairo and Moscow for which there was no commercial demand. He set up state-run corporations and state farms that only spread failure and corruption. He made it a crime for anyone to “show disrespect to the person and dignity of the Head of State.” Foreign businessmen learned that anyone with a glib tongue and a bright idea—the more grandiose the better—could get a fat government contract. The head of state himself signed deals.

Nkrumah had ambitions for the entire continent. In 1958 he hosted an All-African People’s Conference to promote anti-colonial agitation. Among his guests were many who later became heads of state: Julius Nyerere (Tanzania), Kenneth Kaunda (Zambia), Hastings Banda (Malawi), Patrice Lumumba (Congo), Amilcar Cabral (Guinea Bissau—assassinated shortly before independence), Holden Roberto (Angola), and Joshua Nkomo (never quite made it to the top in Zimbabwe). Nkrumah is still something of a saint for many Africans and American blacks because of his militant anti-imperialism. He dreamed of an Africa as mighty as the United States, and squandered millions on a huge complex of buildings he hoped would become the capital of a continent united under his leadership.

Nkrumah’s follies had predictable results. By 1965, just eight years after independence, what had been one of Africa’s most prosperous countries was bankrupt. Increasingly deluded and anti-white, Nkrumah blamed every failure on imperialists and neo-colonialists. He might have gone on wrecking Ghana had he not tried to clip the wings of the army. In 1966, while he was junketing in Peking, the generals took over and told him not to come home. School children who had been taught to chant “Nkrumah is our messiah,” now chanted “Nkrumah is not our messiah.”

The cashiered messiah found refuge in a clapped-out house in Guinea Conakry, where he received ever-dwindling bands of admirers, and spent his days drawing up impossible plans for Ghana. He was convinced that a popular movement would rise up to bring him back to power. By the time of his death in a Bucharest hospital in 1972, he was a pathetic figure.

Nkrumah was also typical of a surprising number of independence rulers who had been jailed or banished by the white authorities before taking power: Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia, Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya, Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe, Bourghiba of Tunisia, Banda of Malawi, Mohammed V of Morocco, and Patrice Lumumba of Congo (convicted of embezzlement, not independence activity).

Accra - Monumental Mausoleum of Kwame Nkrumah

In many respects, therefore, Nkrumah set the pattern for the continent: dictatorship, corruption, mismanagement, quirks bordering on madness, and involuntary departure from office. In particular, his example of one-man rule caught on almost everywhere. A few dictators explained that nation-building required unity of purpose, but most simply siezed power without explanation or apology. When someone once asked Habib Bourghiba of Tunisia what kind of political system his country had, he relied, “System? What system? I am the system.” Hastings Banda of Malawi once observed, “Everything is my business. Everything.” He also said, “Anything I say is law. Literally law.” In 1965 he went further: “If, to maintain the political stability and efficient administration, I have to detain ten thousand or one hundred thousand, I will do it.” Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, whose attempt at African socialism will be examined later, explained that political parties arose in the West because there were economic classes. In Africa, there were no classes, so only one party was necessary: his.


Also, like virtually the entire first-generation of independence leaders, Nkrumah had lived and studied in Europe or the United States. Men who went abroad were undoubtedly a better sort to begin with, and some experience of the West probably tempered their excesses, at least at first. In the next generation, semi-savages like Idi Amin (Uganda), Samuel Doe (Liberia), and Jean-Bedel Bokassa (Central African Republic) would shoot their way into presidential palaces, and go on to ever-more gruesome antics.

Unlike most African rulers, however, Nkrumah did not surround himself with toadies and mistresses, and seems to have been lonely and isolated. He decided, apparently on a whim, to marry, and asked Gamel Nasser of Egypt to find him a wife. Nasser did: an Egyptian girl who spoke only Arabic and a bit of French; Nkrumah understood neither language. He married her the same day he met her, and she gave him three children but little companionship. The only real friend Nkrumah seems to have had in power was a British woman, Erica Powell, whom he met when she was Governor Arden-Clark’s private secretary. He hired her away, with the governor’s blessing, and always said she was the only person who gave him unbiased advice. (He didn’t take the advice presumably?)

Central Africoon Emperor Bokassa

Nkrumah’s interest in a European woman did not lead to marriage, but for many rulers it did. Kenyatta, Bourghiba, and Banda had white wives, as did Leopold Senghor of Senegal and Seretse Khama of Botswana. Jean-Bedel Bokassa, who crowned himself “emperor,” had 17 wives, including a blonde Rumanian cabaret dancer, a German, and a Swede. (He kept wives in separate houses and left his office several times a day to call on them.)

(Emperor Bokassa had a good sense of humour – don’t know if its repeated in this book but I recall reading that he carried out public executions in a football stadium whilst the loudspeakers blasted out Mary Hopkins’ “Those were the days my friend, we thought they’d never end..”)

Finally, Nkrumah differed from other African rulers in another important way: He does not appear to have looted the treasury. He enjoyed the privileges of office—his secretary Powell wrote that he was “a-gog with excitement” at the prospect of meeting the Queen of England—but his own greatness was to come not from bank accounts but from a spectacular new Ghana.
All things considered, by African standards, Ghana’s transition to independence was a great success.

Elsewhere, there were failures, some so spectacular the West could not ignore the mess. Mr. Meredith’s account of the Congo’s almost immediate implosion is worth summarizing.
The Belgians have long been derided for failing to prepare the Congo for self-rule, and there is some truth to the accusation. In 1960, the country had only 30 university graduates and no black doctors, secondary school teachers, or army officers. However, the Belgians had built good basic infrastructure, and a broad base of elementary schools. They simply had not foreseen independence, but did not try to thwart it when times changed. After riots in 1959, they proposed a four-year transition to self-government. It was the Congolese who insisted on a quick handover.

Mr. Meredith points out that the independence ceremony of June 30, 1960 set the initial jarring note. King Baudouin of Belgium praised the early colonizing work of his great uncle, Leopold II—whose exactions were so ruthless that the Belgian government took over in 1908 what had been his private preserve—and talked down to the Congolese: “It is up to you now, gentlemen, to show that you are worthy of our confidence.” Patrice Lumumba, prime minister to be, replied with a rant against “exploitation,” “terrible suffering,” and “humiliating slavery that was imposed on us by force.” “We are no longer your monkeys,” he added. (not Belgium’s monkeys maybe, but still monkeys..!)

Just a few days later, black soldiers revolted against their white officers, and went on a rampage, beating and raping whites, singling out priests and nuns for particular abuse.

(Unless he says more in the book this is somewhat glossing over the reality – I heard from a friend who lived just over the border in Mufulira that pregnant white women had their babies cut out. And probably eaten too.! And what exactly happened to the white officers? Presumably the same fate as white SA officers when the day comes)

Thousands of whites fled the country—setting a model for what was to happen with dreary regularity elsewhere. The Belgians asked Lumumba for permission to use force to save whites. When Lumumba refused, Belgium acted unilaterally. The southwest province of Katanga seceded. The Congo was just two weeks old and already in chaos.

Lumumba called on the UN for help, which arrived in July, but what he most wanted UN soldiers to do was kick out the Belgians. He gave the UN two days; otherwise he would turn to the Soviets. Ralph Bunche, the black American head of the UN mission described Lumumba as “crazy” and acting “like a child.” (“half-devil, half-child” noted Kipling) Later that month, Lumumba visited the United States. Under-Secretary of state Douglas Dillon thought him “an irrational, almost psychotic personality.” (only “almost”???) Lumumba telephoned the Congo desk at the State Department and asked for a blonde companion. The CIA found someone to send over, but the White House quashed the tryst.

(Lumumba was before his time – he would have gone far in the ANC..!)

Belgian troops eventually left the Congo after they had evacuated whites, but Lumumba then insisted that the UN put down the Katanga rebellion. When another province, South Kasai, went into revolt, Lumumba really did call in the Soviets, who sent technical assistance. His attempt to put down the Kasai rebellion resulted in massacre and produced 250,000 refugees. By now, both Belgium and the US were convinced Lumumba was a menace, and both governments wanted him assassinated.

President of the Congo, Joseph Kasa-Vubu, dismissed Lumumba, who in turn dismissed Kasa-Vubu. In September, Joseph Mobutu, chief of staff of the army, ousted all politicians in a military coup. Lumumba stayed on in the prime minister’s residence in Leopoldville, guarded by an inner ring of UN troops to keep Mobutu’s men from arresting him. An outer ring of Mobutu’s soldiers made sure he did not escape. In pouring rain on the night of Nov. 27, Lumumba slipped out and headed for Stanleyville, where he had support, expecting to form a rival government. He might have reached Stanleyville, except that he kept stopping to harangue villagers. Mobutu’s men caught him and brought him back to Leopoldville, and his supporters in Stanleyville set up a government without him. That made a total of four competing governments, along with Mobutu’s, and secessionist regimes in Katanga and South Kasai.

Mobutu had Lumumba hauled before him and spat in his face. With the approval of the Belgians, he flew him off to the leader of the Katanga revolt, Moise Tshombe, who was certain to kill him. Tshombe helped torture him for hours, returning home, according to his butler, “covered in blood.” The next day, Belgian officers commanded a firing squad that executed Lumumba. The Belgians began to worry about bad press, and concocted the story that Lumumba escaped from detention and was killed by “patriotic” villagers. To cover their tracks, they cut up Lumumba’s body and dissolved it in sulfuric acid. Still, word of his murder prompted anti-Belgian demonstrations all over the world.

To this day, Lumumba is a hero to nutty leftists because he called in the Soviets, and to nutty blacks because he was rude to white people.

The UN eventually put down the Katanga rebellion in 1963, and by the time Joseph Mobutu consolidated power in 1965, he could almost be seen as the savior of his country.

Far less well known is the independence disaster of the tiny country of Equatorial Guinea, which was a Spanish colony until 1968. The Spanish had groomed Francisco Macias Nguema to be leader, but like so many whites, had no idea how much he hated them. One of his first acts was to stir up anti-white violence, and most of the country’s 7,000 Spaniards left their businesses and farms and were gone in the first six months.

Nguema was a real monster. When a director of statistics published figures that displeased him, Nguema had him cut into little pieces to “help him learn to count.” On at least two occasions, he ordered the killing of all known former lovers of a mistress. Whenever he wanted a new woman, he had her husband killed. Of his 12 original ministers, only two escaped murder.

Nguema ran out of money and started paying only soldiers and the police. (This would't happen today - the tiny country is swimming in oil..!) Every other part of the government shut down. Nguema closed all libraries, newspapers, and printing presses, and in 1974 emptied the country’s last school. He outlawed Christianity and turned churches into warehouses. To raise money, he started holding foreigners for ransom: $57,600 for a German woman, $40,000 for a Spaniard, $6,000 for a dead Soviet. He held hostage the last Claretine missionary, age 85, until he got a ransom. Nguema carried on for 11 years until a nephew deposed him in a 1979 coup. When it came time to execute Nguema, blacks were so afraid of his rumored supernatural powers they refused to pull the trigger. Moroccan soldiers had to be found for the firing squad.

The new man, Teodoro Obiang, is still in power, and the country still has no newspapers. A recent statement from an aide hints at the flavor of his regime: “He can decide to kill without anyone calling him to account and without going to hell because it is God himself, with whom he is in permanent contact, who gives him this strength.”

A few African leaders have sincerely tried to help their people. A curious and genuinely tragic figure, Julius Nyerere of Tanzania stole nothing, fought corruption, and worked tirelessly. The trouble was, his schemes were all wrongheaded. With his “Arusha Declaration” of February 1967, he set out to nationalize everything in sight, even private houses that were rented out. He wanted the whole country run on the principle of ujamaa or “familyhood,” which was supposed to capture the ancient spirit of “African socialism.”

His state corporations posted huge losses, but his greatest folly were collective farms, or ujamaa villages. Joining up was supposed to be voluntary, but eventually 11 million people were herded onto collectives in the largest mass movement of people in African history. When farmers fled back to their old fields, government workers burned their houses. (Imagine the international condemnation if this had happened under white rule..!)

Nyerere tolerated no dissent from socialism, and under his rule Tanzania went from being the largest African exporter of food to the largest importer. Always the darling of Western leftists, he got enough foreign aid to keep the country from starving. In 1985, after 23 years of familyhood, he gave up and left office. With a frankness unusual in politicians anywhere, he announced, “I failed. Let’s admit it.”

Nelson Mandela is another exceptional figure (???). He, too, is among the tiny number (zero?)who have not (???) enriched themselves, who genuinely tried to better their people, and who sought true racial reconciliation (???). With his successor, Thabo Mbeki, South Africans are discovering what black rule is really like. Those who follow are likely to be worse.

The Facts As He Finds Them
Mr. Meredith records the facts as he finds them, and the result is largely a litany of horrors. He gives us full accounts of the complex and sordid events surrounding the Hutu/Tutsi genocide of Rwanda, the wars of extermination in Sudan, the chaos and barbarity of “liberation” in Angola and Mozambique, and the downfall of white regimes in Rhodesia and South Africa.

Still, a few of Mr. Meredith’s observations stand out: In Kenya, a popular saying is “Why hire a lawyer when you can buy a judge?”

Omar Bongo of Gabon, who ran the country for 22 years and had a penchant for trying to seduce American Peace Corps volunteers, spent no less than $500 million on his presidential palace.

Nigeria spent $8 billion on a steel industry that never produced steel.

During the civil war in Chad in 1982, mobs sacked and burned both the national museum and the national archives.

President Siaka Stevens of Sierra Leone once spent two thirds of the country’s annual budget to host a meeting of the OAU.

When AIDS was discovered, Africans widely derided preventive measures as a racist plot to keep them from reproducing.

In 1973, Juvenal Habyarimana of Rwanda forced everyone, even babies, to join his political party.

And how is this, asks Mr. Meredith, for an absurdity: In the late 1980s, Cuban troops were protecting American-owned oil fields in Marxist Angola from attacks by US-supported guerillas.

Here are more vignettes from The Fate of Africa:
Abeid Karume became ruler of Zanzibar in 1964 before the merger with Tanganyika that produced Tanzania. One of his first acts was to supervise the slaughter and expulsion of Arabs and Asians. (one of the most memorable scenes in “Africa Addio”) Somewhat more unusually, he stopped all anti-malaria measures, claiming Africans were “malaria-proof.” There was a huge upsurge in malaria. An army officer shot Karume to death in 1972, not for political reasons but over a personal grudge.

In 1984, Haile Mariam Mengistu of Ethiopia spent $150 million on the 10th anniversary of his Marxist-Leninist “revolution” rather than do anything about a terrible famine ravaging his country. As he explained to an aide, “There was famine in Ethiopia for years before we took power—it is the way nature kept the balance.”

Liberia has had a particularly colorful history, but a few episodes stand out. Thomas Quiwonkpa led a revolt against tyrant Samuel Doe in 1985. When Doe’s men caught and killed him they publicly castrated him, cut him in pieces and ate him. Five years later, it was Doe’s turn. Prince Johnson ate at least one of his ears while he was still alive. After suitably torturing him, (needless to say this included castration..!) Johnson’s men paraded Doe’s mutilated body through the streets of Monrovia in a wheelbarrow. Doe had been a guest of Ronald Reagan at the White House in 1982.

In 1996, one of the groups fighting in the streets of Monrovia earned the nickname the Butt Naked Brigade, from its belief that fighting naked gave protection from bullets. In 1997, when Liberia held elections of a sort, warlord Charles Taylor announced there would be killing if he lost. He campaigned on the slogan “He killed my ma, he killed my pa, but I will vote for him”—and won.

Nigeria, with its oil revenue, should be one of the richest countries (if it were run by whites there can be no doubt it would have been THE richest..!) on the continent, but hundreds of billions of dollars have disappeared. In 2000 and 2001 in the eastern part of the country, crime was so bad and the police so corrupt that vigilantes took charge. A group known as the Bakassi Boys liked to herd criminals into a public square, where huge crowds watched while they hacked away with blunt machetes. If some of the condemned men were still alive, writhing on the ground, the boys would finish them off by tossing gasoline-doused tires on them and setting them on fire. Street crime disappeared, and the Bakassi Boys were hugely popular.

Mr. Meredith tells us that even the fabled revolutionary Ernesto “Che” Guevara had an African mishap. In 1965, he went to north Katanga in the Congo to test his “detonator theory” that revolution could be kicked up with a little violence. It was a complete failure. He was supposed to be helping Laurent Kabila (who was still knocking about 30 years later and had a brief stint as Mobutu’s successor) but Guevara found him “addicted to drink and women.” “The basic feature of the People’s Liberation Army,” he wrote later, “was that it was a parasite army; it did not work, did not train, did not fight, and demanded provisions and labor from the population, sometimes with extreme harshness.” It was worthless as a fighting force: “Often it was the officers who took the lead in running away,” he wrote. Guevara gave up in disgust after seven months. (sounds a lot like the ANC's so-called liberation ummy - Umkhonto Ve Sizwe)

The French, who had been in Africa for a long time, seem to have understood that European forms of government are not natural to the continent. They kept bases and soldiers in Africa, and used them frequently to keep order. As one spokesman explained, it just wouldn’t do “for a few men carrying machine guns to be left free to seize a presidential palace at any time.”

Even with Europeans around to spoil the fun, African politics have been a gaudy business.
By the end of the 1980s, of the 150 heads of state the continent had boasted, only six had left office voluntarily, three of these after more than 20 years in power. Not one had been voted out of office.

That did not come until after the Cold War, when the US and the Soviets stopped propping up thugs for ideological reasons. Western donors began to pressure the Big Men to hold multi-party elections, and in 1991 Benin became the first country to see a ruler voted out. Democratic change hardly caught on. By 2000 only three others had been voted out.

When pressured to produce “democracy,” Africans showed considerable resourcefulness. In 1989, General Babangida of Nigeria set up two parties. His government wrote their constitutions, gave them their emblems, and most of their cash. One was to be, in the general’s words, “a little to the left” and the other was to be “a little to the right.” Three years later he got tired of them, and abolished both. Sani Abacha, also Nigerian, did even better. In the mid-1990s, under yet more pressure to democratize, he set up five political parties. Each duly chose him as its candidate for president.

The idea of elections makes no sense to the average African ruler. The whole purpose of government is to make him rich and powerful. (But black rule in South Africa would be an exception because we have Mandela…!) An election, of all things, is the stupidest reason to step down. For the huge majority of Africans, political activity is therefore palace politics; the closer you are to the Big Man, the better your chances for patronage, kickbacks, payoffs, and outright theft. (and now BEE which is essentially all those rolled into one package..!)

Mr. Meredith writes that almost without exception, government jobs mean legalized theft. Public service is an empty concept on a continent of what he calls “vampire governments,” where nepotism and corruption are as natural as breathing. (Vampires are far preferable – at least they are only active by night..! The ANC are 24/7looters..!)

Like all experts on Africa, Mr. Meredith notes that Botswana is the great exception. Independent in 1966 under Seretse Khama, it has little corruption and regularly-contested elections. Diamonds supply half of all government income, but the Big Men have kept hands off. By the end of the 1980s, careful use of diamond income had given the country a per capita GDP that hardly sounds like black Africa: $1,700. Like other experts, Mr. Meredith ventures no explanation as to how Botswana does it. (I don’t know Botswana but I dont think its the success it is often claimed to be, and if it is then I would venture it is probably due to all the white – mostly South African – expats helping to run the show)

Elsewhere, the picture is bleak. Since independence, the continent has swallowed more than $300 billion in Western aid with, as Mr. Meredith puts it, “little discernable result.” Corruption eats up an estimated one quarter of the continent’s gross domestic product. Although sub-Saharan Africa has ten percent of the world population, it has 70 percent of the AIDS cases, and accounts for only 1.3 percent of world GDP. By the end of the 1980s, per capita GDP was lower than in 1960, when many countries became independent.

Mr. Meredith generally refrains from drawing larger conclusions, (because to do so would of course be “racist”) but does note near the end of the book that “in reality, fifty years after the beginning of the independence era, Africa’s prospects are bleaker than ever before.” At the beginning he writes of “the extent to which African states have suffered so many of the same misfortunes.”

Why the mess? Mr. Meredith does not say. (if he had been as honest as a Jared Taylor, the book would never have been published) Perhaps the closest he comes is to note that tribalism has been a continuing curse. Ancient enemies sometimes buried the hatchet during the independence struggle but dug it up again once the common enemy was gone. The simplest conclusion is that Africans are simply not like Europeans and cannot build European-style societies. (but they are very good at destroying them..!)

Another conclusion Mr. Meredith could have drawn but did not is that white relations with post-independence Africa have been naïve and stupid. Interventions have been consistent failures. Whether it is Americans in Somalia or Liberia, the British in Sierra Leone, the French in Rwanda, the Soviets in Ethiopia or Somalia, no one gets what he expected. Even semi-Third-World people like the Cubans, North Koreans (in Zimbabwe) or Chinese (in Tanzania) got nothing for their efforts. When Europeans ruled Africans outright, without illusions that they were dealing with people like themselves, they had modest goals and achieved them. As soon as they started reading cultural anthropology, they lost their bearings.

Mr. Meredith writes that not until 1989 did the World Bank acknowledge that Africa’s problems were not all economic, that there were also leadership problems. (no mention of quality of people I suppose ) Men from 100 years earlier like Lord Lugard or Sir Garnet Wolseley would have been amazed by such stupidity.

Another remarkable aspect of recent African history is how easily one thug after another duped the white man. Both the United States and the Soviet Union funneled enormous sums to people who claimed to be either capitalist or communist but were really just thieves. (its the nature of the beast..!)

Samuel Doe was not the only White House or Kremlin guest to end up in a wheelbarrow.
Mengistu of Ethiopia, who let his people starve while he celebrated ten years of “revolution,” also played whites for fools. Once word got out about the famine, whites shipped in tons of food. Mengistu learned that it made no difference what he did with it—sell it on the black market, dole it out to friendly tribes, deny it to starving enemies—it kept coming. Gaafar Numeiri of the Sudan learned the same thing. The famine of 1984 did him a lot of good. White people showed up with boatloads of food he could use as a weapon. Whites fed his people while he bought guns and kept killing his enemies.

Perhaps saddest of all is that time and again—in Congo, Kenya, Zimbabwe, South Africa, the Guineas, Angola—whites who spent their lives in Africa and should have known better, underestimated the hatred of blacks.

Whites everywhere think blacks will love them if they treat them kindly.
They do not realize that kindness or fairness are not enough;
many blacks hate whites because they cannot be like whites.
No matter how they are treated, blacks will blame their failures on “racism.”

Some of the whites who fail to understand this end up in piles of bloody corpses. Others get out while they can. Two hundred thousand fled Mozambique, 300,000 left Angola, many thousands fled the Congo, Zimbabwe lost half its population immediately after black rule, and a steady flow of whites is now escaping South Africa. It was 40 years after independence, but thousands of French left the Ivory Coast when blacks started running through the streets shouting “Kill the whites.” There are pockets of friendliness and lulls in the process of dispossession, but
once blacks take power, they do not like to live with a minority whose success highlights their own failure.

Despite the rotting bodies and mountains of evidence, despite the chronicle of barbarism Mr. Meredith tells so well, whites have an inexhaustible capacity to deceive themselves about the motives and behavior of Africans.

Columnist Mary McGrory was fully exercising this capacity when she wrote in the Washington Post on May 12, 1994 about how wonderful black rule in South Africa was going to be:

“Newspaper readers will think they are reading scripture when they read dispatches from South Africa that cannot be read except through tears.”

People wrote rubbish almost as bad about Kwame Nkrumah. Whites will never understand Africa—or the blacks in their own countries—until they cease being capable of writing and publishing such nonsense. The Fate of Africa is an excellent corrective.

Saturday, 18 April 2009

Simian Stupidity

In 1992 I had only been in SA for less than a year and was fairly ignorant about Black stupidity although I´d heard a few hilarious stories and jokes.

Having driven from the Cape to Joburg via Durban I had my car stolen on my very first day in Joburg. And, guess what else? In the boot was a recently purchsed case of 24×250ml dinkies of Nederberg Baronne (1984 “superior”) …! The bottles had screw caps, so predictably enough, the simians must have joy-ridden it around whilst pouring the stuff down their ugly necks because I eventually found the car a writeoff – front end completely stoved in – in a police stolen car compound (a vast field) in Soweto, the inside littered with empty broken wine bottles.

Shortly thereafter, still in Joburg, I bought a 1984 Honda Prelude (nice car), which I later took to one of those drive-through car wash places. I stepped out of the car to ask the ape attendant the routine, prices etc, and was about to get back into the car when the monkeyman seemed to indicate it wasn´t necessary for me to actually sit in the car during the wash.

Hmmmm I thought….anyway I fell for it..!

But there must have been something especially primordial about the look of this ape that made me somewhat doubt whether I was talking to a human (I have since discovered that I was not) or some other creature, so I carefully watched my car going through the process and noticed that exactly at the end of the rail where the car stops – or not, as in this case - the tarmac suddenly became a slope of about 10 degrees for about 15 metres or so, beyond which a troupe of simian wekkas were lazing around munching on fried Chicken and coke as is their fashion.

I looked around for my monkey but he must have disappeared back into his tree, so there I was helplessly wondering whether the car would come to a stop at the end of the process or would it career away driverless down the slope into the adjacent zoo and the waiting simians? Naturally enough it did the latter and I had to break into an Olympic dash and jump inside just before it wiped out the audience of Chicken Men who were meanwhile laughing uproariously at this stupid mlungu chasing alter a runaway car..!!

I went back to angrily berate the ape attendant, who hearing the commotion had climbed down from his tree, but all I got was SILENCE, and a blank hate-filled stare from BALEFUL EYES…!

Sunday, 08 March 2009

The Eloi waiting for the Morlocks Pt 1



Here’s something to ponder on…

At the time Chris Hani was killed 3 brainwashed in kumbaya young white guys had taken to visiting a shebeen in the Lwandle squatter camp (nr Strand) and naively thought they were all “matey” with their black bruthas - well after the black cunt was killed they went to commiserate with their ape “friends” over a beer with predictably horrific results. One had his tongue cut out, maybe other choice parts, another was burned, and I think the 3rd might have escaped with the help of a brave African woman. (if true she probably got killed herself later)

In the wake of Hani's killing it is possible that dozens of whites were killed by “mourners” and roaming bands of savages out for revenge. And this was pre 1994 when whites still had control of police, etc.

Imagine if something similar were to happen today. Some fed-up and or crazed whitey - perhaps after having seen his family killed - goes berserk and kills Zuma or Mbeki or any of those evil fuckers….or just a bunch of random worthless simian shitskins.

Suppose hundreds of baboons are stirred up by the rabble rousers and invade a particularly vulnerable white suburb or school or shopping centre and start killing every white in sight? Would the simian police FARCE try to protect the whites? Fuck no, they would either disappear or join in the fucking slaughter themselves. And it only has to happen once for it to be repeated over and again, once the savages realise that whites can be killed with total impunity.

Anyone who truly understands the reality of Apezanian tyranny knows that this scenario is not simply a theoretical possibility, but a probability. It is not a question of IF, but WHEN..!

Within a few years only the W.Cape will be relatively safe….and then….

Friday, 23 January 2009

Adapt and Die—South Africa’s New Motto

By Dr. Dan Roodt, Afrikaner Action Group (PRAAG)
February 2005

During the time of National Party reforms in the seventies and eighties, the cliché “adapt or die” used to do the rounds. Nowadays, given the highest murder rate in the world, this should be modified slightly to read, “adapt and die”. For the endemic social violence in South Africa is probably incurable.

Optimists think that violent crime can be solved through better policing, more efficient courts and more secure prisons. Even assuming that such improvements were possible under conditions of hard-core affirmative action, it must be admitted that criminal justice treats the symptom and not the cause of social violence. The Department of Correctional Services, for one, has lost 496 out of 500 former Deputy Directors since 1994, representing most of the intellectual capital in the department. Newcomers may learn their job properly, or they may not, but they have to be flown to overseas countries to find out how prisons work as most of those previously involved in managing our prisons are no longer there.

South Africa used to have a problem of political violence. It was not as bad as elsewhere in Africa, but for some reason elicited hysterical international condemnation. However, actors in political violence are mostly driven by some sort of creed or belief system. Whether such a person is a communist, an anarchist, a neo-Nazi or an ethnic or religious guerilla fighter, he is usually amenable to persuasion or compromise. Even a group of Muslim suicide bombers might declare peace if they were given a territory in which to set up an Islamic theocracy, governed only by themselves and not subject to any outside influence.

In the same way, South Africa’s so-called liberation movements who were at one time fanatically convinced of the need for violent and bloody revolution, laid down arms and bombs upon being told that F.W. de Klerk would surrender power unconditionally. Solving political violence is often intractable, but not impossible.

Not so social violence. Endemic crime, the breakdown of the social fabric, a sense of drift regarding norms of good conduct, point to a far deeper problem. The freedom fighter or urban terrorist is ultimately rational, despite a value system that normal society might find idiosyncratic.

But what is “normal society”? It is only the sum-total of behaviours prevalent in any given society at any given time. The Aztecs, infamously, practised daily human sacrifice to appease their sun god. It might revolt many of us today, but to them it was entirely normal. South Africa currently sacrifices about 87 humans per day to violent crime, or 32 000 per year. Those are only the ones who actually die. Scores of others are injured, maimed, traumatised, robbed, raped, burgled and so on.

In any suburb today an entire history of murders, hijackings, and other violent events can be written, if only the locals were narcissistic enough to consider their own history worth recording for posterity. On the other hand, social violence lacks the charm and grandeur of political violence as it is usually not committed in the interest of some glamorous cause like national liberation or world revolution but simply to acquire some hapless person’s BMW or rape his wife because she happened to be inside.

However, some time ago a Johannesburg newspaper engaged in chronicling some local history in the suburbs of Westdene and Lakefield in Benoni. Nearly every resident had a story to tell, an entire litany of mayhem. Mr. John Gee miraculously survived a shot through the eye, but now feels traumatised. His wife says, “One lives in fear in one’s own home. One does not sleep. One prays for protection, yet only more fears come.”

But who are the authors of South Africa’s social violence? Even asking this question presents one with a sense of discomfort, because most violent criminals in South Africa are young black men between the ages of 16 and 36. As one surgeon who had stitched together at least three child rape victims, two of whom were infants, said recently, “Probably white men commit such acts too; it is just that no-one in South Africa has come across such a case.”

Of course, it would be preposterous to say that all young black men are prone to violence. Judging from our daily experiences in crime-torn South Africa, however, a sub-section of that population, large enough to cause more havoc than even a well-equipped guerilla army of a few thousand men, has taken up practices such as heists, hold-ups, murders, sexual violence exacted upon women and children, and so on.

Explanations for such deviancy are manifold. The ubiquitous answer of it being due to apartheid might have been satisfying if other African societies never subject to group areas and a homeland system did not display similar traits. The Congo, Liberia, Sierra Leone come to mind. There is a whole nature/nurture debate around black violence, except that no adherent of the “nature” side would publicly admit to being one, for fear of being branded a racist. Even though mainstream American cancer research has conclusively shown that black men have higher levels of testosterone than their white counterparts, few would hazard the notion that this might be linked to their greater propensity for violent crime.

America has a gargantuan prison population of two million, over half of which consists of African-Americans. This is despite their minority status in the USA, comprising only 12% of an overall population amounting to 290 million. South Africa could neither afford nor succeed, given the dire state of our criminal justice system, in jailing a similar number of black male offenders. Currently, only 10% of murderers in South Africa get arrested and only 6% are convicted. Any murderer therefore has a 94% chance of getting away with it.

If by some miracle all serious criminals in the country had to be caught and imprisoned, the prison population would surely treble or quadruple from the present 200 000, which is already high by world standards. Not only is such an improvement inconceivable under current conditions, but it would also be politically unpopular with the ruling ANC who would be incarcerating large numbers of young black males who are mostly its own supporters at the polls. Few whites, if any, commit violent crime and there are only 3 900 of them in prison, mostly for white-collar offences such as fraud or insider trading on the stock exchange.

All that remains in the world’s most violent society, is precisely to adapt and die. Twice as many South Africans of all races now die of murder than of road accidents—even though the road accident rate is also the highest in the world, surpassing that of Turkey. Crime extends to trade in driver’s licences, so that a large number of drivers use so-called “bought licences”, hardly a contribution to road safety.

There are some people naive enough to think that “something can be done about crime” in South Africa, mostly opposition politicians who dream about diverting funds from arms procurement to policing, but this would be futile. There are already three times as many private security personnel as state-employed policemen, and even they do not succeed in containing what has become Africa’s only peacetime killing field.

“I killed them because they were white.” These famous words were spoken last year by William Kekana, who participated in one of the most horrendous incidents in which the entire family of Mr. Clifford Rawstorne was wiped out, consisting of his fiancée, baby, as well as his own mother. Even this massacre of an entire family would not have made headlines, were it not for the fact that one year-old Kayla was executed on her very first birthday with a shot in the head. Needless to say, the two adult women were first raped before being killed. Both William Kekana and his accomplice, Charles Fido Baloyi, fell into the high-risk group of young black (and Coloured) males who commit almost all violent crime in the country.

South Africa actually has a Minister of Safety and Security, which to some might seem like an example of absurd humour. His Excellency Mr. Charles Nqakula, whose official résumé proudly states that he was once “a waiter and wine steward”, has immortalised himself by euphemistically stating that there was no real crime problem in South Africa, except that it was “a little on the high side”.

All in all, South Africa has got remarkably used to its new-found status as the crime capital of the world. The high-rise districts of Hillbrow and Berea in Johannesburg have been officially designated by Interpol as having the highest murder rate in the world, that is, 600 people per 100 000 population members per annum. Consider for a moment that such a figure represents 12 times the rate found in inner-city ghettoes in the United States, often seen as no-go zones by many Americans.

One British immigrant to South Africa who has survived three car hijackings, refuses to emigrate, stating that he is now accustomed to having Kalachnikovs pointed at him from point-blank range. Everyone knows a relative or friend who has been killed or at least subjected to some form of violent crime, and no South African can remotely imagine a society where people do not live behind razor wire, electrified fences, high walls, burglar bars and similar decorative props.

Outsiders might find our lifestyle bizarre, but many pundits in South Africa consider our society to be much more “normal” now than at any time in the past, which was tarnished by ethnic separation albeit without the present large-scale violence. At the height of segregation and apartheid under Hendrik Verwoerd, South Africa was almost as peaceful as Switzerland but she was immoral. Today we are the apotheosis of racial morality and political correctness, yet as violent as the Congo or Liberia. Surprisingly, however, our economy continues to function amid the carnage. No economist has ever studied this as far as I know, but not only is crime our biggest industry—bigger than gold-mining or manufacturing—it also stimulates consumption as stolen goods are replaced; it is a boon to the insurance and security industries and ultimately makes surgeons and undertakers rich. The government earns billions of rands in Value-Added Tax on stolent goods being replaced with new ones. So crime pays.

News about killings or shoot-outs no longer elicits the slightest surprise. It is part of our daily existence, and one assumes the lethal risks attending to something as simple as going shopping or driving to work. My wife, for example, has twice been to the local shopping centre where in the one instance a shoot-out was taking place in the parking area so that she had to hide between the cars with our 18 month-old son in her arms; in the second case an armed robbery had just taken place with the robbers casually strolling by with their guns and their loot.

Everyone knows someone who has been killed, raped or maimed. Just this week, the wife of a friend and former literary editor of Die Burger, François Smith, was stabbed to death with a screwdriver in their home in Wellington, near Cape Town. Her murderer was a 16-year-old squatter camp resident whose race was omitted by the press but presumably few, if any whites, reside in his particular squatter camp which is dedicated to black Africans. Lisbé Smuts-Smith was a well-known academic and head of the Afrikaans literature department at the University of Cape Town. Just two weeks ago, another UCT academic, mathematician Brian Hahn, was attacked by a former student, dr. Maleafisha Steve Tladi (35). Hahn died in hospital a week later, while Tladi was released on bail of R500 (about $80).

Two years ago Louw Rabie, a brilliant albeit reclusive geologist and brother of author Jan Rabie, was beaten to death with a fence pole by two Coloured men to whom he had lent some money a week earlier. Police in the small Cape town of Montagu readily caught his murderers because they happened to have drinking money during the week, taken from his home. He was 80 years old, but in good health. He is reputed to have been one of the most brilliant geologists and intellectuals this country has ever produced, writing copiously throughout his life but disdaining publication and public esteem. Africans with their oral tradition are fond of saying that “when an old person dies, a library burns down”. What strikes me about the relentless killings of educated whites, is that the criminals are indeed “burning down the libraries” of this country and physically exterminating the intellectual class, much like Pol Pot did in Cambodia.

The media are celebrating youth, dance, colour, being black and exuberant—as opposed to the quiet studiousness of middle-aged and elderly whites, the bearers of knowledge and understanding. Are these learned whites who are being killed in exuberant, paradisiacal outbreaks of violence simply the remnants of a civilisation that is being eradicated in the name of decolonisation? No government spokesman has ever condemned such killings; so we may assume that the present regime is completely indifferent to them, where such killings do not enjoy their tacit support.

Around our local school in the past week there have been two car hijackings, as well as one murder. It is not really considered to be an exceptionally violent area. Most of this is not even reported in the press, because there really is not enough space and ordinary crime is no longer newsworthy. It needs some further sadistic element to make the front page, such as babies getting killed or raped, or elderly farmers being tortured to death. Farming in South Africa is now arguably the most dangerous profession in the world with more than 1600 farmers murdered since 1994, often in macabre and dehumanising ways.

To the outside world, white South Africans are congenitally evil. If our murderers and rapists had been white and their victims black, Europe or the United States would long ago have sent an expeditionary force to put a stop to it. At present, news of white suffering in South Africa inspires the occasional yawn in Western capitals. This is why a recent article in The Despatch, detailing the rape of a dog by three black men, gave me some hope that a chord will be struck somewhere in the coolly indifferent breasts of our fellow-Westerners. Even if the lives of Louw Rabie, Brian Hahn, Lisbé Smuts-Smith, Kayla Rawstorne and tens of thousands of others are of no value to them, perhaps they will take pity on the mongrel bitch in Grahamstown that was recently raped by three black men. Or perhaps two black men, as the third one protested his innocence upon being dragged out of the shack by screaming, “I came here to relieve myself. These two were raping the dog when I arrived!” Cruelty to humans, especially white humans, is today a normal feature of our society, just like human sacrifice used to be in the culture of the Aztecs. Cruelty to animals, or non-consensual sex with dogs, may still evoke some sympathy, not only locally, but also internationally. I therefore feel sorry for Masganda—the name of the dog concerned—who was rescued with a bleeding vagina and in need of veterinary attention, but perhaps this lowly creature of uncertain lineage could become a martyr for our cause in alerting opinion-makers and political leaders of our plight.

Cycling has become a popular sport in South Africa. However, its practitioners regularly get shot at by gangs of black youths in the street, so that many of them carry guns and knives for self-defence on their bicycles. Members of the Johannesburg mountain-bike club were outraged a while ago when two cyclists, Scott and Lloyd Griffith, were charged with murder after an armed battle with their four black assailants, one of whom succumbed to his wounds.

Most of the time, however, whites are helpless victims of crime. The government has recently passed a new gun law which makes it difficult, if not impossible, to own a fire-arm. They have also abolished rural commandos of military reservists entrusted with crime-prevention in the country, without any police units replacing them. Occasionally the newspapers carry stories of crime victims successfully defending themselves against attacks, offering armed resistance. As a result of the new gun law, this will soon end and we shall simply be able to hide or flee from our assailants. Defending oneself against a marauding robber or rapist might be a manifestation of racism, and is therefore frowned upon as being a kind of “right-wing” response.

Being robbed of one’s vehicle or household belongings is now considered quite normal, and often people ascribe escaping with their lives to their own astuteness, such as being friendly to the robber, helping him load the effects into a vehicle, not looking him in the face so as not to recognise him afterwards, et cetera. A friend of mine in Kempton Park kept up a reasonable conversation with the thieves emptying his house, tied up as he was with a gun pointed at him. He survived, although his elderly mother was badly roughed up and had to be hospitalised. In other instances, of course, people are not so lucky and they become just another murder statistic. Then they simply adapt and die.
*
The first draft of this article was submitted to the British Spectator, who turned it down about a year ago. I have now updated it with references to more recent incidents. Probably no mainstream newspaper in South Africa will publish it, because it refers to the race and gender of violent criminals, which is taboo here as elsewhere in the Western world. As George Orwell said, however, “during times of universal deceit, telling the truth becomes a revolutionary act”.

In the interest of drawing attention to the anarchy that exists in South Africa, the author qualifies his copyright on this article and invites everyone to post it on his or her website, copy it and mail it to friends and mailing lists, translate it into other languages and to distribute it far and wide. The only condition is that no element must be changed or censored.
A PDF-version of the article which can be printed out, photocopied and distributed otherwise than on the internet, is available for download on the home page of www.praag.co.za.
Dan Roodt is an Afrikaner author and activist.
Posted by The Uhuru Guru